1.3.1 Terms of Reference
The Commission of Inquiry’s agreed terms of reference were as follows:
Intending to evaluate and shape the ongoing contribution of Evangelicals to society, and seeking to uphold religious liberty, the Commission will investigate Faith and Nation in the UK. It will aim to inform the strategic thinking of the Evangelical Alliance through a study of the place of religion in the socio-political life of 21st century Britain. Integral to the Commission’s analysis will be engagement with relevant theological and constitutional issues.
1.3.2 Evangelical Ethos of the Commission
While the Commission includes a wide range of ecclesiological and theological outlooks in line with the terms of reference, its membership largely reflected the fundamental aim of producing an Evangelical Inquiry into the relationship between Faith and Nation. Whilst the Commission made a conscious attempt to consult other faith perspectives, its overall approach and tone has remained distinctly and intentionally Evangelical throughout.
1.3.3 The Commission’s Relation to Wider Bodies and Networks
While the overwhelming majority of Britain’s multi-cultural, multi-faith society desires to live in peace and freedom within a national context which is rooted historically in Judeo-Christian values, tensions and even conflict may result when this dominant culture collides with multiple minority groups. The privileges of historical religious establishment in the social order (especially the Church of England) may seem increasingly difficult to justify, though some would argue that a form of establishment provides a much-needed basis for stability. Nevertheless, our social and political future is dependent on our ability to hold together a diverse and rapidly changing culture, which nevertheless implies liberty of conscience, freedom of speech and religion, and the inclusivity and involvement of all the nation’s citizens. Policies of exclusion or discrimination are incompatible with social order. Inevitable tensions therefore arise between the demands of increasing democracy and preservation of the traditions, security and integrity of the nation. Protection of established forms of religious, social and political life have been the source of many of the bitter struggles of history notably involving Protestant dissent and Roman Catholic emancipation. Some of their legacies continue to the present day. Now the representatives of other cultures and their religions form an increasing element of our society. A way must be found to live peacefully together whilst maintaining precious religious liberties and distinctives. But amongst the many far-reaching issues that require grappling with are those that question how and to what extent churches should relate to other faith groups, and in what circumstances they might adopt co-belligerent approaches with one another and with other religious groups in a common interest.
The Commission has inevitably adopted a distinctively Evangelical Christian faith approach in its deliberations. Nevertheless, it has consciously attempted to consider faith in a broad perspective, and has sought and received submissions from and consulted with sources outside the Evangelical and indeed Christian traditions. Due to inevitable constraints however, it has not been possible to enter into extensive inter-faith and non-faith consultations.
1.3.4 Evaluating and Investigating the Current Context
Though inevitably informed by historical considerations, there has been an emphasis in the Commission’s work on understanding and evaluating the current socio-political, ecclesiological, cultural and constitutional situation so that its findings may accurately reflect the world as it is. For example, numerical decline in traditional religion has, however, been accompanied by the simultaneous rise of Evangelicalism and the charismatic movement, which has impacted most mainline churches and largely accounts for the rapid growth of the new churches. Whilst the substantial non-established church sector increasingly focuses on the local community, it has nevertheless been criticised for relative unconcern as regards wider church structure and ecclesiology. Many commentators have viewed the recent experience of the Church of England as confusing and disorientating as it becomes engaged internally in a continual process of self-discovery and compromise and the need to come to terms with the extensive secularity of the environment in which it now operates. A key question for the Commission to consider has therefore been the response of the Church to liberal western democratic secularism, the impact of which may appear in the institutions of government and courts, but which in fact originates as a sociological phenomenon in society at large. Ironically, historic relationships between Church and State have aimed to limit the range of the State’s power and protect the freedom of the individual religious conscience from violation by the State, rather than the restriction of private faith within the public sphere. The role of the secular state vis a vis religious belief therefore requires careful analysis and the genuineness of claims to neutrality in religious matters needs to be scrutinised and questioned.
1.3.5 Shaping the Future
Pressure for changes in the way the Church relates to the Nation have arisen from a variety of sources – Christian and non-Christian. The following factors have been prominent in recent popular debate: · Perceived institutionalised religious discrimination seen to be increasingly at odds with e.g., the contemporary emphasis on individual human rights and equality. · Unease about the continuance of an established Church. · Desire to reflect in constitutional arrangements what is seen as a pluralist, multi-faith society. · Questioning the desirability of maintaining a hereditary monarchy and a confessional Christian state. Equally strong proponents, notably, though not exclusively, from the Church of England hierarchy, urge maintenance of the status quo.
1.3.6 Upholding Religious Liberty
Protection of religious liberty still remains enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights. But non-religious or anti-religious secularist forces based on an individualistic approach to human rights and equality agendas have recently tended to push their way into dominance in the regulation of public life. There are consequently frequent calls for the disestablishment of religion and the radical separation of faith from public life – indeed, perhaps towards a privatisation so complete that religious expression becomes invisible. Relativism, syncretism, and neutralism are regularly advocated in the face of the dilemmas posed by pluralism, the effect of which is increasingly to marginalise religion and to press for its disengagement from the various public areas with which religious activity has traditionally been associated. Emphasis on equality frequently comes at the expense of diversity. Increasingly, religious bodies may be expected to conform to secular models of ‘correctness’, even where these directly contravene the beliefs and ethos of the faith groups concerned. Recent examples of hostility to religion have included conflicts over rights to preach and broadcast an exclusive gospel in a multi-faith climate; the subject matter taught in faith-based schools; faith initiatives in the rehabilitation of prisoners; support of faith-based community care and voluntary activity by local authorities which have removed funding in protest at faith distinctives and trappings of supposed proselytism; freedom of religious organisations to define their membership basis. While many Evangelical Christians have recently been mobilised into public expression of the need to defend such perceived threats to religious liberty, liberal Christian strands have tended to welcome the secular agenda, using it to position Christianity as an inclusive social justice movement whilst accusing Evangelicals of a victim and martyr mentality. Questions of religious liberty therefore remain at the heart of the present debate, allied to the future place of Christian spirituality and the Church within a culture increasingly alien to public religious expression. The recent experience of terrorism linked to religion has added fuel to the debate and carries implications even for those religious groups that explicitly reject the use of force for religio-political ends.
1.3.7. Informing Strategic Thinking of the Evangelical Alliance
Although popular perception and statistical evidence suggest the Church in the UK is in serious decline, another side to the story confirms that many ordinary Christians take their faith seriously enough to do something about it in practical ways. When significant groups are involved, they become potentially a movement for change.
This encapsulates the Evangelical Alliance vision, and the Commission has been concerned in its Inquiry to inform that vision by means of its research, analysis and recommendations. Enunciating the gospel requires interpretation of theology for contemporary issues and relevant application of Christian values to offer godly means of reconstructing society. Such a shift in emphasis may be unnerving for Evangelicals who are increasingly encouraged to move beyond orthodox insularity and preoccupations with narrow moral issues such as abortion and sexuality. They will undoubtedly need to encompass a wider global repertoire of moral concerns about which God is equally passionate, especially those involving social justice. Movement from being heard primarily to convey a message of condemnation to proclaiming the language of compassion is an imperative for people claiming to advance the Kingdom of God in the current context. A biblical movement for change is therefore rooted in a correct scriptural understanding of the Kingdom of God at work in contemporary society.
1.3.8 Engaging with Relevant Theological Issues
The Commission acknowledges that serious questions relate to the concept of ‘Church’ in the 21st century, and the place of faith within an increasingly secular world, as has frequently been the case in past centuries and in many different cultures where the Christian gospel has taken root. Certain defenders of establishment may promote a vision for a resurgent ‘United National Church in Mission’ in which the Church of England takes a leading role supported by the other churches. Others dismiss such a vision as imperialist, outdated and manifestly unrealistic. They argue that there can be no case for any return to a Christendom model imposed on society – everything now must be negotiated in the multi-faceted public square. They further stress the need for the Church to exercise a greater prophetic and pastoral role, with palpable representation and presence in every community. Theological consideration of the contemporary and future relationship between faith and social order is therefore vital if we are to address the practical implications of the Church’s primary task to seek first the kingdom of God, preach the gospel to everybody, and conform its members to Christ, whilst simultaneously engaging deeply and constructively with society. Questions such as how the Church can best preserve its distinctive, orthodox, Trinitarian character, remain faithful to its calling, and model its God-given values for the benefit and transformation of the wider community, whilst participating appropriately in the life and structures of a fallen world, are intrinsically theological in nature. To what extent should the Church form common cause with a secular state, even to the lengths of sharing institutional power and privilege? As the justification for a close relationship between Church and State is increasingly questioned from many sides, evaluation of establishment in our pluralist context is necessary.
There is also a need for relevant biblical, historical and ecclesiological study to understand the development and meaning for today of the idea of a national and established Church, and of the relative merits of separatist traditions. This takes place against a more recent background involving a complete paradigm shift from a pluralism of Christian faith streams to a more complex pluralism of world faith communities. Old and New Testament evidence is still often appealed to in seeking to justify the continuing appropriateness of the Constantinian model for the 21st century. However, many people now accept that this requires a clear contemporary re-interpretation to produce a historically accurate, yet realistically contemporary basis for investigating how the Church should remain biblical, distinctive, focused, and relevant in our changing society. The Commission seeks to address candidly the question of whether or not, and in which way, a mutually beneficial partnership between Church and State is still possible. It is important to ensure that the Church continues to regard this as a theological and missional task.
1.3.9 Assessing Socio-Political Life in Britain
An essential feature of the Commission’s study has been to examine the nature of socio-political life and its relation to religion. Britain, like many western European societies, can be said to be an increasingly ‘secularised’ society in that the institutions of organised religion play a much reduced role in public affairs and policy-making than in former times. But secularisation is only partly to do with decline in active membership of the churches, being rather a cast of mind in which religion is generally conceived of as much more a private, individual affair than a public, communitarian one (with notable exceptions as in Northern Ireland). In this respect, it is possible to speak of ‘secularist Christians’ who see little connection between their personal faith and their citizenship in the public and political sphere. But this must be seen in relative terms. British public life is probably less ‘secularised’ than that of France, for example, where arguably the doctrine of laicité deliberately excludes religion.
The Commission therefore examines and questions secularisation theses which pronounce Britain to be secular or prophesy the death of religion. It acknowledges a paradox that apparent belief in the central tenets of the Christian faith somehow often fails to translate into active participation in the Church, and this raises a question concerning the extent to which Christian doctrine is truly understood and lived out. How much Christianity should engage in political campaigning and pressure for enforcement of moral viewpoints, and the extent to which secular rather than religious arguments should be employed by Christians in the public realm as Christianity fights its corner in the market place of faiths and ideas, is of major importance for the Commission. Is the Church to be understood, as some believe, as ‘strangers and exiles’- people who have a duty to act not as settlers or residents in their host culture but as ambassadors to a society which, in banishing faith is in danger of self-destruction? In which case, should the primary mission of the Church be that of evangelism and promotion of Christian values by example, to offer the nation a moral compass and social glue, rather than challenging the political structures? In this sense, can the Church take advantage of almost unprecedented contemporary opportunity to exemplify key, transcendent, biblical values such as love, grace, justice, forgiveness and sacrifice at the heart of the Christian faith in calling for society to commit itself, for its own survival, to values and goals which transcend self-centred, individual, consumerist fulfilment?
These questions may not have easy answers, but the Commission hopes that by beginning a wide-ranging analysis and producing consequent pointers for the Alliance Council to consider, evangelicals may engage in necessary debate that will encourage future strategic direction.
1.3.10 Tackling Relevant Constitutional Issues
Inevitably, debate about the Church’s role vis a vis State and Nation raises questions about establishment and disestablishment. Increased dissatisfaction, even from within the Church of England, concerning the government’s current role in Church affairs, the prospect of constitutional reform, popular disillusionment with the monarchy, the process of devolution and European integration, the dominance of a secular human rights agenda sensitive to any idea of discrimination, the highlighting in both Parliament and media of public concern relating to perceived conflict between Faith and Nation, especially since September 11th, all combine to produce an overwhelming sense of a need for re-evaluation.
