2.1.6.1 Decline in Religious Practice
Statistical evidence gathered over many decades consistently shows that religious practice is in decline across the United Kingdom.[1] The rate of decline varies according to region, and even denomination or theological stance. In some cases the decline is dramatic. The decline is evident in falling membership. Since membership is a problematic concept for churches with some not fitting neatly into the ‘membership’ category and, since it is suspected the people are not ‘joiners’ in the way they once were, several statisticians have shifted the basis of their calculation to attendance. But here too there is evidence of decline. Evidence confirms that people are also attending church less frequently than they once did. Though the Church remains in touch with a vast number of people, either through its main services, or occasional offices or ancillary organisations and activities (some estimates suggest as much as 62% of the population[2]), there is a smaller committed pool of active and regular participants who are essential if the Church’s ministry is to continue and thrive.
2.1.6.2 Institutional Marginalisation of Religion
In addition to evidence of decline in the practice of religion, there is evidence of a trend towards the marginalisation of religion in national life, some of which was referred to above in 2.1.3.3. The place of bishops has been preserved in the House of Lords, but carries little real political weight. The Scottish Parliament has taken over the role of the Assembly of the Church of Scotland that had long-been considered as Scotland’s unofficial Parliament. But the Parliament’s sessions now do not begin with prayer. In local councils, the place of the Mayor’s Chaplain and of the saying of prayer at the start of Council Meetings has come under pressure, first from those of other faiths and secondly from those of no faith. Religious assemblies in schools are often observed in the breach and frequently have, by all accounts, less intentional Christian content to them when they are held. Public service broadcasting maintains the ‘God Spot’ but under protest, and frequently asserts that audience figures are kept artificially high because of its protected status. Priests and pastors, once respected as community leaders and wise counsellors, are now often ignored by professionals in the caring services, whilst voluntary community work motivated by Christian endeavour can now find public funding withdrawn or refused, particularly where there is any suspicion of proselytism.
2.1.6.3 Growth of Spiritualities
The growing marginalisation of traditional Christianity in the UK has not led to the triumph of secularism, though some would argue it has in the public sphere. Rather, a variety of alternative spiritualities has blossomed to fill the void, though some would also argue that secularism itself has attained the status and character of a religion. These alternative spiritualities often do not give rise to anything other than the most fluid and transient of organisational forms. Adherents frequently dabble in such beliefs and practices rather than show commitment to them, and any group activity is often incidental rather than being central to life. In the light of this, such spiritualities are even more marginalised in society than the institutions of traditional Christianity. They have little real social impact and there is no evidence yet that they will have any major influence on shaping British culture in any serious way. However, the fact that many quest for spiritual meaning, yet largely do not see the Church as a viable channel for providing that meaning, is a serious indictment of the Church which should cause it to re-examine itself. In her oral contribution to the Commission, Grace Davie pointed out that the two growing segments of British Christianity were Cathedral worship and Charismatic worship, both of which in different ways met the needs of a new generation of spiritual seekers. Whilst provoking the Church to examine itself, it should be noted at the same time that the rise in the number of seekers provides Christians with new openings for conversations about their faith.
2.1.6.4 The ‘Death of Christian Britain’?
The changing place of Christianity in our national life does not necessarily mean the ‘Death of Christian Britain’.[3] Depending on one’s theological position, a move from being allied to the structures of power towards the margins of society may even be considered an advantage. Whether this is so or not, arguably the Church has been in a not dissimilar position before in the 18th century when it experienced a revival of its life and fortunes. Furthermore, its history demonstrates that creative strategies of evangelical mission can be devised in any cultural situation and be blessed by God for the spread of the gospel.
[1] See Peter Brierley, Christian England (Eastbourne: Marc, 1998), passim and Religious Trends 1-5 (London: Christian Research, 1998-9, 2000-1, 2002-3, 2003-4, 2004-5). The accuracy of religious data and its interpretation is a complex matter on which see, Public Faith? The State of Religious Belief in Practice in Britain, Paul Avis, (ed.), (London: SPCK, 2003), especially 123-139.
[2] Brierley, Religious Trends 3 (London: Christian Research, 2002), 2.3.
[3] The phrase is used as the title of Callum G. Brown’s book, The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularisation 1800-2000 (London: Routledge, 2001), in which he somewhat unusually and controversially argues that Christianity collapsed relatively suddenly in the 1960s because of the loss of Christian discourse within the family. The other key chronicler of the demise of Christianity in Britain is Steve Bruce. Among his many writings are Religion in Modern Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), and God is Dead: Secularisation in the West (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002).
